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Archive for September 2011

Sep
26

Oregon’s Healthcare “Transformation”

by Dr. Doug Perednia

For those who follow such things, this post is a slightly longer and more pointed version of one that we recently did for the Cascade Policy Institute.

Here’s a question for you.  If you take quietly take thousands of Oregonians hostage and then release with great fanfare, does that make you a kidnapper or hero?  The answer, of course, depends upon whether anyone remembers that you kidnapped them in the first place.  This happens to be exactly the scenario posed by the Oregon Health Plan’s newest innovation, the “Coordinated Care Organization”, or CCO.

CCOs are in the news because they now appear to be the state’s only strategy for saving the Oregon Health Plan (OHP).  According to a recent article in The Oregonian, they are “poised to transform” the healthcare.  The CCO approach is said to “offer a glimpse of the future for the Oregon Health Plan’s 600,000 low-income and disabled people on Medicaid and Medicare.”  Indeed it had better.  As described in the article,

“The state budget assumes the transformed health plan will be up and running next summer — quickly enough to save $249 million in Medicaid costs in the second year of the 2011-13 biennium.  If it doesn’t, the state will have to find money to fill the hole or cut Medicaid payments, already down 11 percent this year.”

But before we get too carried away with praising the solution, it’s worth recalling just how we got into this situation, who got us there, and exactly what, if anything, is “new” about CCOs.

It’s no secret that Medicaid in Oregon has been underfunded for decades.  As documented by The Lund Report, physicians take a large financial loss on every patient they see, and that was before a double-digit reduction in reimbursement took effect this year.  Not surprisingly, this has forced many clinicians to leave the program in droves:

“Reimbursements to managed care plans have increased just 6 percent in 10 years. Physician payments are set by the plans. Fee for service rates set by the state have increased slightly more. So physicians are already absorbing losses whenever they take such a patient, she said.

‘We’re already in a situation, depending on your contract, where something like 60% or less of a doctor’s overhead is covered,’ said Boyd-Flynn. ‘An additional 19% cut on top of that is going to create a problem with access.’

Roughly a quarter of all primary care physicians in Oregon, and about 18% overall, refuse to accept additional Medicaid patients mainly due to low reimbursements, according to the most recent physician workforce study published in 2009.”

One predictable result is that large numbers of OHP patients headed to hospital emergency rooms for care.  Indeed, the Oregonian article began by profiling one such patient who is now a CCO patient and advisor to the Governor’s CCO program:

“Wracked by diabetes, hypertension, asthma, spinal disease, allergies, depression and other ills, Amy Anderson felt she was near death when she found the Mid-County Health Center in 2007.

She had lost her job and health care a year earlier and had been getting most of her health care in hospital emergency rooms. But at Mid-County in Southeast Portland, she was assigned her own team of health care providers that she saw at every visit. They got to know her; she grew comfortable with them.

‘Any time I called, someone was there,’ says Anderson, 56. ‘I started to believe I was going to get good care.’”

There’s no doubt that that’s great, but how does the CCO do it?  And what is a CCO anyway?

In basic terms, CCO is a medical clinic that has enough people, and a big enough budget, to do what any medical clinic would do if it could afford to do so: take care of its patients.  Here is the Oregonian’s description:

“Each Mid-County clinic team has a doctor and family nurse practitioner, each with a clinical medical assistant; a registered nurse; a team clerical assistant; and a third clinical medical assistant to track appointments, preventative measures, prescriptions and other information for team patients.

The team also has access to psychiatric nurse practitioners and social workers at the clinic. Team members work together in the same room and huddle twice a day…

When a patient like Anderson shows up, the team knows her health history, her medicines she’s taking and what tests she needs. Sometimes the team will call her in for a test. She can call the team directly and often, if needed, get in to see someone on the same day.”

All of this certainly makes sense, and doctors normally do most or all of those things for their private patients.  So why don’t all doctors do this for their Medicaid patients?  The answer, of course, is that they can’t.  Medicaid doesn’t pay them enough to cover their basic overhead, let alone retain whole teams of social workers and administrative personnel.  If it did, they wouldn’t have to have stopped seeing Medicaid patients in the first place.  Moreover, Medicaid doesn’t pay them for many of these activities (such as coordinating with other providers), at all.  And to add insult to injury, Medicaid is one of the worst of all insurers to accommodate in terms of administrative overhead.  It’s not our healthcare providers who have failed these patients; it’s the insurance system that the government itself created.

All of which brings us back to the promised transformation of the Oregon Health Plan.  Having essentially created the problem of underinsured patients who receive all of their care in emergency rooms, how can CCOs now succeed where the rest of OHP has failed?

The answer is money.  In medical and even social terms, CCOs are nothing particularly innovative or revolutionary; they’re just clinics with more resources than their private counterparts.  The real difference is that the state and federal governments are presumably making a commitment to fund them in a responsible manner.  If not, they’ll be held hostage to the same unsustainable business model that has characterized the OHP for the past decade.  Patients will fall through the cracks, and ER visits will once again be the norm, and the next transformation will have to come up with yet another new catch phrase.

In that case one really hopes that Oregon voters remember who kidnapped an expectation of reasonable Medicaid reimbursement in the first place.

This case also  illustrates one of the real problems with having the government decide what “works” and what doesn’t by simply manipulating payment policy: what are we comparing?  OHP hasn’t formally announced how the CCO program will be evaluated, but any comparison to the underfunded status quo is clearly going to be inappropriate.  Nearly any fully-funded program is going to look good compared to the current train wreck.  A skeptic might imagine that it’s even possible to rig the financing of such a program to merely produce a desired result: e.g., that the clinical results of an adequately-funded ACO are clearly better than those of private practitioners who are being forced to subsidize the care of these same patients with the payments they received from private insurers.

Who’d have imagined it?

Categories : Economics, Healthcare Policy, Political Hellth, Politics
Sep
17

ICD-10: Medical Voyeurism or Just A Lust for Complexity?

by Dr. Doug Perednia

We were going to write about ICD-10 anyway, but a recent article in The Wall Street Journal (subscription required) beat us to it.  But first, what is ICD-10?  Those of you who may not be fluent in Medispeak deserve a 60 second explanation.

“ICD” is the abbreviation for the International Classification of Diseases.  It’s a tabulated and coded compendium of the various things that can go wrong with people and cause morbidity and mortality.  The idea of categorizing and classifying illness is an old one, and the first iteration of the ICD was published as the International List of Causes of Death in 1893.  Just as we have universal classifications of plants, animals, fungi, bacteria and everything else, the purpose of the ICD is supposed to be to help people organize information so that we can better understand the world and improve our lives.  The ICD is, for example, used to compile information on the causes of death and disability.  It’s used to find and track epidemics of diseases, compare the distribution of illnesses to geographic locations and match resource use to specific diseases.  The invention of computers marked an enormous change in the use of the ICD; their ability to process and tabulate enormous numbers of codes simultaneously made it easy and painless ask increasingly detailed – and even esoteric – questions, as long as enough data was available in enough detail.  Want to know if there’s a relationship between smoking and cancer?  An analysis of ICD codes could tell us that.  And there is one other important use for ICD coding; the federal government and private health insurers require that the appropriate ICD codes be included as a component of each and every medical claim submitted for payment.

The World Health Organization (WHO) took over responsibility for maintaining and updating the ICD in 1948, and it’s been through many versions since then.  ICD-10 is, as the name implies, the tenth version to be published, and the WHO released it in 1994.  One of the big changes between ICD-10 and ICD-9 is the ability to add lots of new diagnoses.  ICD-9 codes consisted of up to five numbers.  Theoretically this allows it to represent up to 100,000 different diseases and conditions.  In contrast, ICD-10 is represented by a combination of up to seven letters or numbers, giving it the ability to code for over 78 billion different conditions.  Despite this, the WHO version of ICD-10 is relatively manageable and consists of only 16,000 different codes.

Here in the United States, the medical community is generally still using ICD-9, but because of its legal jurisdiction over all aspects of medical information under the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA), the federal government has the power to require that every physician, medical facility and provider in the country use whatever version of the ICD it mandates.  Eager to keep America’s healthcare system in line with the rest of the world, the federal government decreed that all U.S. healthcare providers must switch over to ICD-10 by October 1, 2013.

Hey, what could be wrong with that?  Lots, if you leave the implementation of the code set to be used up to a bunch of people with a penchant toward the academic and the bureaucratic.

You see, every country is free to modify WHO’s version of the ICD to meet its own particular needs.  Canada has its own version called ICD-10-CA.  Australia uses ICD-10-AM, while Germany uses ICD-10-GM.  So the committee that the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) set up to adapt ICD-10 for domestic use felt free to add lots of new codes to the U.S. version.  Some 85,000 of these were created for to represent procedures done in the hospital, a subset called ICD-10-PCS.  But while U.S. clinicians only had to deal with 16,000 diagnostic codes in ICD-9, HHS packed the ICD-10 diagnostic set with some 70,000 codes and called it ICD-10-CM.  In total, American healthcare providers are now required to accommodate up to 155,000 new codes for billing and documentation purposes into their businesses.  The recent article in the Wall Street Journal tells the story:

“Indeed, health plans may never again wonder where a patient got hurt. There are codes for injuries in opera houses, art galleries, squash courts and nine locations in and around a mobile home, from the bathroom to the bedroom.

Some doctors aren’t sure they need quite that much detail. ‘Really? Bathroom versus bedroom?’ says Brian Bachelder, a family physician in Akron, Ohio. ‘What difference does it make?’…

Some codes could seem downright insulting: R46.1 is ‘bizarre personal appearance,’ while R46.0 is ‘very low level of personal hygiene.’

It’s not clear how many klutzes want to notify their insurers that a doctor visit was a W22.02XA, ‘walked into lamppost, initial encounter’ (or, for that matter, a W22.02XD, ‘walked into lamppost, subsequent encounter’).

Why are there codes for injuries received while sewing, ironing, playing a brass instrument, crocheting, doing handcrafts, or knitting—but not while shopping, wonders Rhonda Buckholtz, who does ICD-10 training for the American Academy of Professional Coders, a credentialing organization.

Code V91.07XA, which involves a ‘burn due to water-skis on fire,’ is another mystery she ponders: ‘Is it work-related?’ she asks. ‘Is it a trick skier jumping through hoops of fire? How does it happen?’”

Much of the new system is based on a World Health Organization code set in use in many countries for more than a decade. Still, the American version, developed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, is considerably more fine-grained.

Y93.J4: A code for injuries received while playing brass instruments.

The WHO, for instance, didn’t see the need for 72 codes about injuries tied to birds. But American doctors whose patients run afoul of a duck, macaw, parrot, goose, turkey or chicken will be able to select from nine codes for each animal, notes George Alex, an official at the Advisory Board Co., a health-care research firm.

There are 312 animal codes in all, he says, compared to nine in the international version. There are separate codes for “bitten by turtle” and “struck by turtle.”

Of course for the really curious even these codes still don’t tell the full story for those struck by turtles.  Were they struck vertically as the turtle fell from the sky, horizontally as a turtle was hurled at them, or bowled over by a turtle sprinting at top speed?  And while the Wall Street Journal stops there, let us assure you that it’s not for lack of content.  Take a look at this:

V9540XA  Unspecified spacecraft accident injuring occupant, initial encounter

V9541XA  Spacecraft crash injuring occupant, initial encounter

V9542XA  Forced landing of spacecraft injuring occupant, initial encounter

V9543XA  Spacecraft collision injuring occupant, initial encounter

V9544XA  Spacecraft fire injuring occupant, initial encounter

V9545XA  Spacecraft explosion injuring occupant, initial encounter

V9549XA  Other spacecraft accident injuring occupant, initial encounter

Someone, somewhere in the HHS ICD committee is far more interested in space travel than the lowly problems of the average Medicare recipient.

And lest anyone be concerned that the ICD-10-PCS system is any less rigorous in its specificity, never fear.

“’You have millions of transactions flowing in the health-care system and this is an opportunity to mess them all up,’ says Jeremy Delinsky, chief technology officer for athenahealth Inc., which provides billing services to doctors.

Medicare officials say they believe many big insurers and hospital systems are making preparations, but there may be some issues with smaller ones that won’t be ready.

With the move to ICD-10, the one code for suturing an artery will become 195 codes, designating every single artery, among other variables, according to OptumInsight, a unit of UnitedHealth Group Inc. A single code for a badly healed fracture could now translate to 2,595 different codes, the firm calculates. Each signals information including what bone was broken, as well as which side of the body it was on.”

Predictably, the people that created the U.S. version of ICD-10 claim that it’s all needed, and that they got lots of input from real, live doctors.  Well, sort of.  Here’s the HHS response to the “myth” that it was developed “without clinical input”:

“The development of ICD-10-CM/PCS involved significant clinical input. A number of medical specialty societies contributed to the development of the coding systems.”

Any doctor these days can tell you that few “medical societies” have anything in common with practicing physicians these days, except that they stick up clinicians for membership dues and fees for mandated certification and continuing medical education.  But really, why did someone go to all of this trouble to find out if patients were “struck by orcas” multiple times and frankly, why should we care?

Let’s return to planet Earth for a minute and think about these codes and how they’re used to deliver or improve healthcare services in real life.  Let’s say that we have a patient in front of us in the clinic or the emergency room.  Do we need to know the patient’s ICD-10 codes?

Well, no.  Seriously, we don’t.  What we’re really like to know are the patient’s past and current diagnoses and treatments.  We don’t need the ICD code for that unless that’s the specific method used to store the information.  We could really manage just as well with a simple list of these things spelled out in plain English or medical terms.  In fact, that method has worked successfully for hundreds of years.  If someone wishes to represent those pieces of information by one code or another it’s all well and good, but no doctor on Earth really thinks in terms of their patient manifesting a “W5801XA”.  Instead, he just wants to know that they were bitten by damned alligator.  But if doctors don’t care about this, then who does?  How about epidemiologists and medical researchers?

There is no question that having large amounts of accurate coded data readily and rapidly available for computer processing would come in handy for medical epidemiologists and researchers who are trying to track down epidemics and public health hazards.  But the value of this information is limited by two competing factors: detail and reliability.  In a situation in which one is relying on others to collect information as a byproduct of their normal activities, the speed and accuracy of collection will be inversely related to the amount of detail we are asking them to describe.  “You were struck by a bird?  What kind of bird?  A brown bird.  How big was it?  What other markings did it have?  What color was its beak?”  It’s easy to understand that the more detail we request, the less abundant and accurate the information will become as a result of two factors.  The first is the ability of the patient to recall the details.  The second is the limited time, patience and energy of the clinician asked to compile and code the information.  Under these circumstances, asking for more and more data rapidly becomes a double-edged sword.  If we demand high levels of detail, there is good reason to question its accuracy.  If we’re not holding a gun to each doctor’s head, more and more of the data will be coded as such-and-such an injury, “unspecified”.

Even so, it’s hard to imagine that the needs of a relatively few epidemiologists and researchers is sufficient to justify the unbelievably expensive and complex disruption that switching to HHS’ version of ICD-10 is going to entail.  When all is said and done, we’re talking about an investment of literally hundreds of billions of dollars.  Every single piece of medical record, billing and accounting software in the industry has to be re-programmed, and none of the programming is the same as that already being done for the versions of ICD-10 used by WHO or any other country.  Every medical encounter form in every medical clinic has to be changed.  Every clinician and every biller needs to learn the new codes.  Sure, no one is likely to need all of them, but the sheer number and complexity of them is daunting.  So who the heck would want to create such a system, and why?

There are really only two possible suspects: medical voyeurs and those who stand to benefit from increasing the complexity (and ultimate cost) of the U.S. healthcare system.

Medical voyeurism is self-explanatory.  Somewhere in America, there is always going to a substantial group of people – be they academics, bureaucrats or tabloid journalists – who get a thrill out of being able to peek into the statistics and write articles about the number of people mauled by Macaws or put into the hospital when their water skis somehow burst into flame.  It is a big mistake to underestimate the power and influence of people who wish to collect and analyze data, simply on the off chance that there might be something interesting in it.  But who could possibly benefit from making coding more complex?  The answer is simple: health insurers, especially the federal government itself.

As we’ve extensively documented many times before, the RBRVS-based medical payment system invented at the behest of Congress and used by virtually all public and private U.S. insurers is a travesty of the first order.  In its current form it is hopelessly complex, prone to abuse by criminals and payers alike, inefficient and expense.  Both the ICD and CPT system represent major components of this system.  But while proponents of ICD-10 claim that the increasing levels increasing level of detail provided will make it easier to ensure “quality and affordability”, the reality is that increasing levels of complexity always increase rather than decrease the potential for abuse by payers and criminals alike.  There is no scam that cannot be perpetrated and hidden more easily in a complex system than in simpler one, especially by insurers intent on requiring that every “i” be dotted and “t” crossed before paying providers for their services.

As it is, public and private insurers both play games with reporting requirements and paperwork to avoid meeting their financial obligations.  In a recent post, Dr. Rich over at The Covert Rationing Blog accurately describes how Medicare uses the process of physician certification and re-certification as an excuse for denying payments owed for medical services legitimately provided in good faith.  Medical billing is already an arms race between the billing software used to submit claims based upon elaborate coding algorithms designed to maximize payments, and equally sophisticated software designed to deny payment.  All ICD-10 is going to do is take this to the next level, further impoverishing real healthcare in the process.  Insurers will ask for more detailed codes in order to justify payment, and considerable expense will be generated in providing them.  For patients, providers, businesses and taxpayers, it’s a no-win situation.

In January of 2011, President Obama pledged to reduce the amount of regulation sandbagging the U.S. economy, and “ordered a government-wide review of regulations, both old and new, in a broad push to curtail rules that retard job creation and economic growth.”  Frankly, the wholesale simplification of ICD-10 would be a good place to start.

Categories : Bureaucracy Run Amok, Business and Law, Economics, Healthcare Policy, Politics
Sep
8

Could Exporting Medical Malpractice Attorneys to China Help the Trade Deficit?

by Dr. Doug Perednia

You’ll frequently find America’s doctors whining about how bad they have it with high malpractice insurance rates, a legal system that rarely dispenses justice and the continual need to practice defensive medicine.  Well to that we say “Pshaw!”  Let them practice in China for a bit, and they’ll be inviting their local plaintiff attorney over for drinks and a friendly game of Twister®.

Despite becoming a nuclear power, a payday loan outlet for the U.S. government and the place where everything sold in The Dollar Store is manufactured, China is still lagging behind in one vital area: that of developing a vigorous and healthy medical malpractice industry.  As any good plaintiff attorney could have predicted, this has led to utter chaos and even illegal attempts at extortion within the healthcare industry.  We’ll let The Sacramento Bee’s Barbara Demick tell the story:

“BEIJING — Friends and relatives of a patient who had died on the operating table marched on Nanchang Hospital No.1 brandishing pitchforks and clubs. About 100 staff members, among them young doctors, prepared for the onslaught by arming themselves with long sticks and cans of mace, while the security staff donned police vests and helmets.

What followed was a pitched battle in the lobby with horrified patients gawking from upper floors of an atrium.

Although nobody was seriously injured in Tuesday’s melee, the incident brought attention to a wave of violence in Chinese public hospitals. In Nanchang, a provincial capital 300 miles southwest of Shanghai, a young doctor reportedly suffered serious skull injuries in June after the family of a deceased patient led a protest that turned violent.

Last year, a doctor and nurse were stabbed to death in Shandong province by the son of a man who had died 13 years earlier of liver cancer, while a pediatrician was badly injured jumping from a fifth floor window to escape relatives of a baby who had died.

Medical advocates complain that the more violent incidents are staged by hired thugs, paid by families of the deceased in hopes of winning compensation from the hospitals. Sometimes the protesters are from the same village or are semi-professionals in causing trouble. The Chinese have even coined a word for the paid protesters: yinao, meaning ‘medical disturbance.’”

At this point we would like to survey our clinician readers and ask them to vote on the following question:

Question #1:  “Given the alternative between being having to defend yourself against accusations of malpractice in the current U.S. malpractice system, or taking your chances with a club and pitchfork-wielding mob, which would you prefer and why?”

(Please feel free to use the Comments section for your response.)

Despite the differences in style and venue, almost anyone who has had any experience with the malpractice system in America will immediately see parallels with the way malpractice claims are handled in China.  For example, here in the U.S., it is frequently the case the plaintiffs are paid off by malpractice insurers simply to avoid the costs of going to court.  Such settlements are purely a matter of money, and are made even if no error whatever occurred.  In fact, as documented in the classic medical malpractice study by Studdert, Mello and Gawande, payments are made in 28% of the cases in which a complaint is filed, but no medical error occurred.  (Of course the faulty system goes both ways.  No indemnity was paid in 27% of cases in which both injury and a medical error occurred.)  The same thing seems to occur in China:

“‘It has become a very sophisticated system for chasing profits. Whenever somebody dies in a hospital, the yinao will get in touch with the family and offer their servings in exchange for 30 to 40 percent,’ said Liu Di, who is setting up a social network for medical professionals. Liu said the practice had started in the past few years as hospitals have become more commercialized. ‘You see this mostly in 2nd or 3rd tier cities where the legal system is less developed.’”

And, as in the United States, the government is often reluctant to respond to what is clearly a lousy state of affairs, and is often influenced by special interests.

“The switchboard at the hospital referred reporters Wednesday to the local Communist Party office, where telephones went unanswered.

This week alone, two major hospital protests were reported besides Nanchang. The family of a 29-year-old man who died of stomach cancer in Nanjing picketed the hospital, claiming he hadn’t been properly diagnosed and that they were threatened when they questioned his treatment.

In a public hospital in Guangdong, southern China, women staged a sit-in, wailing, screaming and refusing to leave, according to media reports.

Last month, a man who claimed to be a professional protester in Nanchang gave a newspaper interview saying that the local government usually chose to pay to quiet protests ‘for the sake of social stability.’

‘I always tell my clients, if you start a big disturbance, you’ll get a bigger compensation package. If you start a smaller disturbance, you’ll get a smaller package. And if you don’t do anything, you’ll get nothing,’ the man, identified as 42-year-old Xiao Ming, was quoted as saying.”

One can readily imagine that many trial lawyers are probably sympathetic to this approach.

Clearly the good news in this story involves an approach to solving the malpractice problems of both countries simultaneously.  We believe that we speak for sensitive individuals everywhere when we say that violence is not a good answer to settling medical malpractice disputes.  (Unfortunately, apparently neither is the existing U.S. medical malpractice system.)

Perhaps both systems could be improved by exporting a large number, (let’s say 75%) of America’s medical malpractice attorneys to China, where they would help establish and operate the sort of court-based medical malpractice system that we have in the U.S.  In exchange, China would send large numbers of no-longer-needed pitchforks, baseball bats, vests and helmets to the U.S. at deeply discounted prices.  America’s trade balance would be improved, the number of potentially frivolous malpractice cases filed in the U.S. would plummet, and China would experience a massive decline in hospital-based riots.

It’s certainly worth a try.

Categories : Business and Law, Ethics, Healthcare Policy, Hospitals and Health Systems
Sep
6

Grand Rounds At The Covert Rationing Blog This Week

by Dr. Doug Perednia

Those of you who are returning to work bright-eyed and bushy-tailed after your Labor Day holiday this week, should definitely take the time to peruse the Jobs! Jobs! Jobs! edition of healthcare blog Grand Rounds this week.  It’s a heartily entertaining survey of some of the most interesting recent posts in the healthcare blogosphere.  You’ll find it only at Dr. Rich’s Covert Rationing Blog.

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